Britain in the 19th
Century
What were the main
public health problems of the mid-19th century and how successful
were the attempts to solve them?
Britain has come on an impressively long way since the 19th
century in relation to public health. The society with live in in this day is
an absolute luxury compared to what the people of the 19th century
had to endure. The industrial revolution of Britain was an incredible time of
history that benefited British society, and is without a doubt one of the most
important periods of time regarding socialisation as it is today. However, the
industrialisation of Britain did not run completely smoothly, and there were
many problems and obstacles that occurred throughout that time. One of those
being the impact it had on public health.
Due to the industrialisation of Britain, a rapid growth of the population occurred. Major cities, such as Liverpool and Manchester doubled in size during the 1820s, with both cities growing by at least forty six percent.(Nevell, 2011) Thousands upon thousands of people
moved to small market towns and cathedral cities. The Irish famine of 1845 and
1852 contributed to a gigantic increase of immigration from the Irish into
Britain, which caused population to sour even more. For example, Liverpool’s
parish of West Derby saw a population rise of 140,000 people, during 1801 to
1851 alone. This massive rise of people in small, urban areas undoubtedly
caused many problems that many people were not prepared to see happen, such as
diseases, death and smell. (Rees, 2001)
Due to the industrialisation of Britain, a rapid growth of the population occurred. Major cities, such as Liverpool and Manchester doubled in size during the 1820s, with both cities growing by at least forty six percent.
Overcrowding became normality for most urban areas. Singled
roomed buildings could house over ten grown men at a time, who all had to
endure extremely cramped and filthy conditions. Large houses were bought out
and divided into as many small living spaces as possible by landlords and
builders out for a fast profit. Grown men were literally squeezed into the
tightest of spaces possible, such as the cellars and attics. A report by the
Bradford Woolcombers Protective Society in 1845 describes the overcrowding
circumstances:
“A great many
Woolcombers reside in this court. It is a perfect nuisance. There are a number
of cellars in it utterly unfit for human dwellings. No drainage whatever. The
visitors (those compiling the report) cannot find words to express their horror
of the filth, stench and misery which abounds in this locality, and were unable
to bear the overpowering effluvia which emanates from a common sewer which runs
from the Unitarian Chapel beneath the houses.” (Rees, 2001)
This quote from the report is an
effective way of showing us an insight into the horrific conditions the working
class had to endure. Due to the copious amount of people living together, these
buildings, nicknamed ‘rookeries’, became an unimaginable breeding ground for
lice and, what the Victorians named, ‘filth diseases.’
Although the overcrowding was incredibly uncomfortable and dirty for the people, it was the poor sanitations of the buildings and the lack of services to the houses that caused diabolical problems. During the first half of the nineteenth century, most working class houses lacked clean water supplies, sewages and drains. The privies, or toilets as we would call them now, were usually situated outside in courtyards and alleyways, with many people using it throughout the day. The waste was then emptied into cesspits.
Although the overcrowding was incredibly uncomfortable and dirty for the people, it was the poor sanitations of the buildings and the lack of services to the houses that caused diabolical problems. During the first half of the nineteenth century, most working class houses lacked clean water supplies, sewages and drains. The privies, or toilets as we would call them now, were usually situated outside in courtyards and alleyways, with many people using it throughout the day. The waste was then emptied into cesspits.
Although the working class were
stuck using filthy shared privies outside, some more wealthy families and the
middle class had the luxury of their own private and flushing privies. However,
the waste was still flushed into their cellars or closed sewers and had to be
physically emptied, thus still contributing towards the cesspits. In large,
heavily populated areas of the cities, sewage heaps built up to 35,000 tonnes
in the middle of the areas, which as you can imagine, caused extremely dirty
conditions and unpleasant smells. (Pedley, 2001)
The poor and working classes were hit harder with the conditions. Industrial workers had to move close to the factories and mills that they were working in, due to an absence of affordable public transport. The poorer areas had to make do with a significant lack of water and poorer conditions because of that, as it was extremely expensive (it’s supply provided by private water companies after a big profit) and used for important and practical parts of home life such as drinking, cooking and washing. As a result of that, they had to suffer with the only available water being from public standpipes. People would queue for hours with their saucepans and buckets in the hope of stocking up with as much water as they could afford once the water supply was switched on by the water company. The unfortunate people who were just far too poor to afford the water charges would either take what they could from local streams and wells or just simply did not bother. The middle classes were able to move away from the dirty cities, beyond the pollution, and were also able to afford piped water pumped straight to their houses in which they could store huge quantities of the water in cisterns.
The great plague epidemic of 1665-6 was undoubtedly a horrific
break out, however it was the last major disease attack on Britain until the
public health diseases and illnesses broke out. Typhoid, diphtheria,
tuberculosis, scarlet fever, measles and influenza were common, serious illnesses
that caused vast problems and devastation across Britain. (Macraild, 2003) Smallpox was a serious issue in
1837-40, causing over 12,000 people to die in 1840 alone, and left many people
petrified of a recurrence of the disease. Diarrhoea was common, and poor living
conditions and hygiene caused body lice to attach on to people, which spread
typhus fever and caused 10,000 deaths in 1847 in just north-west England alone.
(Rees, 2001)
One of the most prolific diseases that effected the population of Britain was cholera. An epidemic outbreak of cholera broke out in Sunderland in October 1831 and spread across the whole country, causing 32,000 fatalities. Following such a distressing time, yet another outbreak attacked Britain in 1849, this time claiming the lives of 53,000, a dramatic increase from the previous epidemic. Cholera, nicknamed ‘King Cholera,’ also struck Britain a further two times. Although the main causes of cholera was not known, it was assumed poor sanitary conditions were a problematic cause of the disease.(Pedley, 2001)
The most common theory for explaining disease during that time was the miasmatic theory. This theory included that diseases and illnesses were spread through bad air, which surfaced from decayed organic matter. Dr. William Farr, who was a firm believer in the miasmatic theory and was an employee at the government’s General Register Office, proclaimed that soil at low elevations, such as near the Thames riverbank, contained organic matter that produced a lot of mismata, thus resulting in a rising amount of bad air circulating London.
One of the most prolific diseases that effected the population of Britain was cholera. An epidemic outbreak of cholera broke out in Sunderland in October 1831 and spread across the whole country, causing 32,000 fatalities. Following such a distressing time, yet another outbreak attacked Britain in 1849, this time claiming the lives of 53,000, a dramatic increase from the previous epidemic. Cholera, nicknamed ‘King Cholera,’ also struck Britain a further two times. Although the main causes of cholera was not known, it was assumed poor sanitary conditions were a problematic cause of the disease.
The most common theory for explaining disease during that time was the miasmatic theory. This theory included that diseases and illnesses were spread through bad air, which surfaced from decayed organic matter. Dr. William Farr, who was a firm believer in the miasmatic theory and was an employee at the government’s General Register Office, proclaimed that soil at low elevations, such as near the Thames riverbank, contained organic matter that produced a lot of mismata, thus resulting in a rising amount of bad air circulating London.
The miasmatic theory was conflicted by physician John Snow.
He didn’t believe that cholera was spread by bad air, instead insisting that it
was spread by germs, which entered through the body via the mouth. His evidence
which caused him to believe the theory was that he had treated many patients
with cholera yet failed to catch the poisonous disease himself. He published his
theories in ‘On The Mode Of Communication Of Cholera,’ an essay from 1849, and
included this extract:
“It used to be generally assumed,
that if cholera were a catching or communicable disease, it must spread by
effluvia given off from the patient into the surrounding air, and inhaled by
others into the lungs. This
assumption led to very conflicting opinions respecting the disease. A little reflection shows, however,
that we have no right thus to limit the way in which a disease may be
propagated, for the communicable diseases of which we have a correct knowledge
spread in very different manners. The
itch, and certain other diseases of the skin, are propagated in one way;
syphilis, in another way; and intestinal worms in a third way, quite distinct
from either of the others.” (Snow, 1855)
The head medical officer of London, Dr. John Simon, clearly
understood John Snow’s theory. He wrote a summary of the idea, stating “(Epidemiology, 2014)However, Dr. Simon
was reported as claiming the theory as ‘peculiar’ and continued to question the
relevance of germs to the cholera outbreak like many others. John Snow then
proceeded to try and prove his theory, by tracing the cause back to a
particular water pump, situated on Broad Street. In addition, he also noted
that the workers of the local brewery to the street never drank the water, only
beer, and hadn’t ever caught cholera, as well as a local widow, who had the
water from Broad Street pump delivered to her home, whom died of cholera yet
her neighbours did not. Dr. Simon also conducted his own research. He carried
out a study of 500,000 south Londoners in 1856. He compared two different water
companies, Lambeth Water Company and Southwark Water Company, and the death toll
of their customers. Lambeth Water Company took water from a place called
Ditton, which is further up the river from London, and their death rate during
the 1854 epidemic was 37 per 1000 people. Southwark Water Company, however, took their
water from a place in Battersea close to an outflowing sewer, and their death
rate was 130 per 1000 customers. (Rees, 2001)
Despite John Snow’s correct and accurate findings of the causes of cholera, and Dr. Simon’s curiosity in the theory, the idea that cholera was spread by germs was still disputed by other professionals, due to the miasmatic theory still reigning as the leading belief of cholera. It was not until 1870 that John Snow’s findings were considered accurate, which, unfortunately, was 8 years after his death.
Despite John Snow’s correct and accurate findings of the causes of cholera, and Dr. Simon’s curiosity in the theory, the idea that cholera was spread by germs was still disputed by other professionals, due to the miasmatic theory still reigning as the leading belief of cholera. It was not until 1870 that John Snow’s findings were considered accurate, which, unfortunately, was 8 years after his death.
One of the
important reforms to help tackle the issue with the diverse problems of
Britain’s public health was the 1948 Public Health Act. Edwin Chadwick played
an important part in the act, who was previously one of the main contributors
towards the 1834 Poor Law. The Poor Law was created as a means to encourage
people to work hard, take homelessness and beggars off the streets and
inevitably reduce the money lost whilst looking after the poor. The poor were
put into workhouses, and worked for the benefits of being clothed, fed, housed
and educated, all within the workhouses. Conditions in the workhouses were purposely
tough to try and deter as many people from relying on the government for a means
of living, and only attracting the most desperate.
In 1838, due to a further two episodes of typhoid epidemics, Edwin Chadwick, as secretary of the Poor Law Act, was appointed to start an enquiry into the sanitation of the cities by the Poor Law commissioners. He published a report, ‘The Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population,’ which focused on an urgency to improve the living conditions of the working class for the sake of their efficiency to work. He stated that improvements to public health would benefit the economy and society, as more people would be able to work sufficiently. Chadwick was known to be quite difficult to work with, due to his harsh and humourless personality. He was extremely assertive, making enemies both in and out of parliament with his forceful nature. Chadwick was a strict individual who would settle for nothing but what he deemed appropriate.
Chadwick’s findings from his report were at first ignored, but in 1848 the Whig Home Secretary Lord Morpeth introduced the Public Health Act of 1848. This introduced a regular management of sewers, drains and slaughterhouses, sewerage systems, public baths and burial grounds, the ability of local authorities to set up local boards of health, A General Board of Health which regularly reported to parliament and an opportunity for local boards of health to levy local rates and buy land to finance projects.
There were both strengths and weaknesses to the Public Health Act, due to it being permissive. There was barely any opposition to it, as it was only applied in areas that the local people requested, areas in which people were suffering from poverty and piecemeal implementation meant that those who were in doubt of the act’s liability could view its positive effects on their own towns. However, the act didn’t apply to Scotland, London city or it’s City Sewers Act, nor could it apply to any town that had less than 23 per 1000 death rate.
In 1838, due to a further two episodes of typhoid epidemics, Edwin Chadwick, as secretary of the Poor Law Act, was appointed to start an enquiry into the sanitation of the cities by the Poor Law commissioners. He published a report, ‘The Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population,’ which focused on an urgency to improve the living conditions of the working class for the sake of their efficiency to work. He stated that improvements to public health would benefit the economy and society, as more people would be able to work sufficiently. Chadwick was known to be quite difficult to work with, due to his harsh and humourless personality. He was extremely assertive, making enemies both in and out of parliament with his forceful nature. Chadwick was a strict individual who would settle for nothing but what he deemed appropriate.
Chadwick’s findings from his report were at first ignored, but in 1848 the Whig Home Secretary Lord Morpeth introduced the Public Health Act of 1848. This introduced a regular management of sewers, drains and slaughterhouses, sewerage systems, public baths and burial grounds, the ability of local authorities to set up local boards of health, A General Board of Health which regularly reported to parliament and an opportunity for local boards of health to levy local rates and buy land to finance projects.
There were both strengths and weaknesses to the Public Health Act, due to it being permissive. There was barely any opposition to it, as it was only applied in areas that the local people requested, areas in which people were suffering from poverty and piecemeal implementation meant that those who were in doubt of the act’s liability could view its positive effects on their own towns. However, the act didn’t apply to Scotland, London city or it’s City Sewers Act, nor could it apply to any town that had less than 23 per 1000 death rate.
The Public
Health Act of 1848 inevitably didn’t start off too well, as a second cholera
epidemic hit Britain almost immediately after it was started. Although, once
the outbreak calmed down the General Board of Health was able to prioritise and
focus their attention to it. By 1853, there were 284 towns who petitioned for
new public health regulations to be applied, and in 182 of these towns the Act
was carried out. That was considered a positive impact of the act. The Act,
however, was not a complete success. Only 400,000 people out of 2.5 million in
Lancashire were protected by an act from the public health board. Only 29 major
towns in England and Wales had power over draining and cleansing and 62 had no
public health authority at all. (Rees, 2001)
Public health in Britain generally didn’t have a significant
improvement that would majorly impact society until the summer of 1858, in
which an overbearing and nauseating smell emulated from the River Thames due to
a particularly scorching hot season of weather. It was prolifically known as
‘The Great Stink.’ The increasing population of London played heavy on the
Thames water, with all people and factories using it as a means to dump waste
and as a clean water source. The issue of cleanliness with the Thames was first
noticed in the 1600s, but due to a lack of knowledge on how to solve the
problem, it was continued to be used in such extreme ways. By the 19th
century, the river had been abused for far too long, with added pressure due to
the new flushing toilet systems. Such copious amounts of pollution and waste
had accumulated in the river that it was known to be the filthiest river in the
world, with the waste literally cooking in the heat of the summer.
The
members of parliament found the stench equally revolting as the ordinary
citizens, but at first tried to improvise ways to improve the situation, as
opposed to completely fleeing the building. They doused curtains surrounding
the building in chloride and lime, which ultimately didn’t make a difference.
They considered moving the government from the Westminster area, yet this idea
was quickly dismissed. After a while, with no significant improvements, members
of parliament were reportedly seen fleeing the building as fast as possible,
with handkerchiefs held up to their noses, whilst shouting and complaining
loudly about the dire stench the river was omitting. (Lemon, 2014)
The Great Stink was finally proving to be too vulgar for the important members of government, who then finally decided that the time had arrived to change the situation. They also realised that by moving from the houses of Parliament to a different location, the situation would continue to worsen and affect the normal members of society. Also, an English chemist named Michael Faraday was incredibly vocal about his support of a Thames reform. He created intense pressure on the government, by sending a letter to The Times newspaper entitled, ‘Observations on the Filth of the Thames,’ which included his findings of throwing pieces of paper into the river, which disappeared almost immediately in the ‘pale brown fluid.’ He also stated that, ‘if we neglect this subject, we cannot expect to do so with impunity; nor ought we to be surprised if, ere many years are over, a hot season give us sad proof of the folly of our carelessness.’(Lemon, 2014)
A bill was created, and a reformation of the Thames went underway. The Metropolitan Board of Works was given £3 million in the desperate hope that they could sort out the issue. Chief engineer, Joseph Bazalgette, was selected to tackle the task. He proceeded to design and construct a productive sewer system, which consisted of five giant sewers that measured 82 miles, and could handle 400 million gallons of waste. Two were situated in the south of the river, and a further three were built in the north of the river, which all connected with existing pumps and sewers that kept the flow of sewage productively going. The construction of this sewer system was highly significant, making it the biggest civil engineering project in the world currently at that time, and was completed in 1870. The size and shape of the sewers changed the shape of the River Thames, which shows the considerable job carried out by Bazalgette, and the previous water gates can still be seen, situated at their original points in the river. In addition, embankments were also created alongside the river as an additional way of helping the problem.
The Great Stink was finally proving to be too vulgar for the important members of government, who then finally decided that the time had arrived to change the situation. They also realised that by moving from the houses of Parliament to a different location, the situation would continue to worsen and affect the normal members of society. Also, an English chemist named Michael Faraday was incredibly vocal about his support of a Thames reform. He created intense pressure on the government, by sending a letter to The Times newspaper entitled, ‘Observations on the Filth of the Thames,’ which included his findings of throwing pieces of paper into the river, which disappeared almost immediately in the ‘pale brown fluid.’ He also stated that, ‘if we neglect this subject, we cannot expect to do so with impunity; nor ought we to be surprised if, ere many years are over, a hot season give us sad proof of the folly of our carelessness.’
A bill was created, and a reformation of the Thames went underway. The Metropolitan Board of Works was given £3 million in the desperate hope that they could sort out the issue. Chief engineer, Joseph Bazalgette, was selected to tackle the task. He proceeded to design and construct a productive sewer system, which consisted of five giant sewers that measured 82 miles, and could handle 400 million gallons of waste. Two were situated in the south of the river, and a further three were built in the north of the river, which all connected with existing pumps and sewers that kept the flow of sewage productively going. The construction of this sewer system was highly significant, making it the biggest civil engineering project in the world currently at that time, and was completed in 1870. The size and shape of the sewers changed the shape of the River Thames, which shows the considerable job carried out by Bazalgette, and the previous water gates can still be seen, situated at their original points in the river. In addition, embankments were also created alongside the river as an additional way of helping the problem.
Analysing the incredible struggles the public of 19th
century Britain had to endure regarding health, hygiene, sanitation, disease
and death is a fascinating way of realising how far we have come as a society.
The laws and regulations we have now for health and safety seem like a basic
human right, but after learning our history you can see it was an ongoing
battle for those people, and something we should never take for granted. The
city of London and the River Thames is full of underlying history that is
fascinating, and we should always remember how far and productive we have
become as a society.
Sources
Epidemiology, D. o. (2014, March 9th). Competing
theories of cholera. Retrieved from UCLA, department of epidemiology:
http://www.ph.ucla.edu/epi/snow/choleratheories.html
Lemon, J. (2014, March 9th). The Great Stink.
Retrieved from Cholera And The Thames:
http://www.choleraandthethames.co.uk/cholera-in-london/the-great-stink/
Macraild, J. B. (2003). Nineteenth-Century Britain.
London: Palgrave MacMillan.
Nevell, D. M. (2011). Living in the Industrial City. International
Journal for Historical Archaeology , 2.
Pedley, M. C. (2001). Britain 1815-51: Protest and
Reform. Heinemann.
Rees, R. (2001). Poverty and Public Health 1815
-1948. London: Heinemann Educational Publishers.
Snow, J. (1855). On the Mode of Communication of
Cholera. On the Mode of Communication of Cholera, 3. Retrieved from http://www.ph.ucla.edu/epi/snow/snowbook_a1.html.